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Let's do this again sometime

Brian Taylor | 14:48 UK time, Tuesday, 12 January 2010

Intriguing appearance by Alex Salmond before the Scottish Select Committee at Westminster - the first such showdown involving a First Minister.

Not, I thought, for the exchanges over the . There, it was largely retread ground.

Strictly, the committee should have confined itself to its remit - relations between the UK and Scottish governments in the light of the Calman report.

The release of Abdelbaset al Megrahi obviously impinged upon those relations. But, despite occasional interventions by Mohammed Sarwar in the chair, the questions regularly ranged beyond that aspect.

Perhaps understandably, the MPs sought to challenge the nature of the release itself along with concomitant issues such as the ministerial decision to visit Al Megrahi in jail.

Their interest was understandable but, technically, misplaced. The decision, as Gordon Brown repeatedly stressed, was one for Scottish ministers to take. They answer on such matters to Holyrood, not Westminster.

Structural relations

Still, no matter - and, certainly, neither Mr Salmond nor Kenny MacAskill, the Justice Secretary, raised any protests.

Remember their wider strategy which is to co-operate as palpaply with Westminster within the current devolved set-up while simultaneously inviting the voters to infer how much better things might be under independence.

No, I was more intrigued by Mr Salmond's comments about structural relations across the UK. I know, I know, I should get out more - but bear with me.

When devolution occurred, a system was put in place to foster relations between London and the devolved territories. This was the Joint Ministerial Committee, or JMC, mechanism.

As Mr Salmond described, it fell largely into disuse.

The plenary JMC, intended to involve the heads of government, didn't meet for five years from 2002.

JMCs on domestic policy also flopped. Only the committee considering European policy thrived to any extent.

Govern sensibly

That has largely been reversed - partly at the prompting of Alex Salmond and his fellow devolved bosses and partly at the instigation of Gordon Brown who recognised the need for change.

The motivating factor? The new political map of the United Kingdom where parties of different colours are in power.

Again, remember that overarching Salmond strategy. To govern sensibly within the limits of devolved power - while, concomitantly, drawing attention to those limits.

Sensible governance involves mechanisms for sharing information and policy consideration. Hence Mr Salmond's support for the JMC system. Hence his eagerness to return, regularly, to appear before the Scottish Select.

But Mr Salmond lodged a caveat today. What happens if a deal cannot be done, even by ministers of goodwill working within an established structure? What, in particular, if that deal involves finance?

'You are wrong'

At the moment, there is a simple system. If a devolved government has a disagreement with the Treasury, then there is indeed a final arbiter. That would be the Treasury.

To sum up the FM's argument, the Treasury simply say in the final analysis: "You are wrong. We are right. Matter resolved."

Sundry First Ministers have argued that should be changed. According to Mr Salmond, the prime mover in this regard was Labour's Rhodri Morgan who recently relinquished office as FM in Wales.

Broadly, the devolved leaders want an appeal mechanism, especially over finance. For me, it is difficult to see how that would be legally binding. These are, ultimately, political decisions as well as administrative ones. Further, the Treasury will want to retain control of overall UK funds.

But it might be possible to envisage an arbiter who could issue guidance as to whether the case advanced by a devolved government had merit within the rules.

Mr Salmond said he hoped a settlement of this issue might still be reached before the UK general election. If not, it would be a speck of grit within the pile which would land upon the desk of the next Prime Minister. Whoever that might be.

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